In 1924, Virginia Woolf’s cryptically seductive, and
arbitrary but bold selection of a year and month, even, when “human character
changed” (5) referred to a moment in cultural history when novelists were
discovering and producing novels demonstrating that “there is something
permanently interesting in character in itself” (5). Understanding how to
present that interest and ensuing observations was “an absorbing pursuit” and articulating
it “an obsession” (6) for the group of writers (only later to be called “High
Modernists”) most of whom had begun writing “on or about December 1910” (21),
Woolf notes.
Woolf has not very nice words to say about novelists
immediately preceding her generation. They give the public too much of what
they want to hear; they respect too much the contemporary cultural “common
ground” that values objects, social utility, tradition, and geneaology, over
individuals and their emotional and psychological experiences. What she thought
necessary was a closet clean-up through the slow but determined development of
a “code of manners which writers and readers accept as a prelude to the more
exciting intercourse of friendship” (21), an interaction that she compares to talking
about the weather as an accepted way of seeking to make a stranger aware of one
as a thinking and feeling other (as opposed, I should think, to simply an
annoying occupant of a much-coveted seat on the subway, or the person in front
of one in line to order a hamburger). Woolf does not fault her predecessors
because their writing is not timeless, but precisely because it is timely.
These writers knew what contemporary cultural code language invited readers to
a more intimate relationship with writers and which frightened them away. But they
did not take it upon themselves to change that code. But Woolf also admonished readers in words somewhat to this
effect: don’t let yourself be frightened away – what’s coming up next among novelists
will astound you. Woolf was trying to identify not only what the new tenor of
the novel and poetry was, but what had led up to it.
Likewise, Melanie Conroy (2014) recently conducted a
study in which she sought to discover in which decade(s) of the French novel there
is empirical evidence of what critic Erich Kahler had called the “inward turn
of narrative”, which was precisely what Woolf had been trying to account for. Conroy’s
field is French literature, so she sought evidence of linguistic innovations in
384 French novels contained in the ARTFL-FRANTEXT database of French literature.
This database contains digital versions of texts from the twelfth to the
twentieth century and was developed and is maintained by the University of
Chicago. She wanted to test whether linguistic innovations could account for
the eventual movement toward a modernist aesthetic in the French novel. Conroy
conducted a database search for instances of reporting clauses (specifically, se-dit-il, se-dit-elle, pensa-t-il, pensa-t-elle, pensa, se disait and pensait) and then created the metric of “Common
reporting clauses per 10,000 words” for each decade of the period from
1800-1929. She found several peaks in the data, in the 1830’s, 1860’s, 1890’s,
and 1920’s, and she found two “large increases” in this set of phrases, in the
1830s and between 1910 and 1929 (165). She says that the “inward turn” of the
1830’s was larger than that of the later period. The earlier increase comes at
the beginning of French Realism, and the second within the period of high
Modernism. She then analyzed individual novels within each decade span and
focused on particular authors who most frequently used these reporting clauses.
I admire Conroy’s efforts to try to identify through
linguistic markers the most intensely focused historical moment of literary Modernism
in French novels, as well as the ingenuity of using the ARTFL-FRANTEXT database
to pursue that objective. However, as Conroy’s study stands, it cannot comment
on the questions it asks, because of both theoretical difficulties within the
conception of the project, and empirical and statistical methodological
problems.
There is a deep wavering on Conroy’s part, it seems
to me at least, concerning whether she believes that the linguistic markers she
searches are evidence of the “inward turn” or that they are just pre-“inward
turn” awareness of authorial concern with characters’ mental states. Are
reporting clauses and mental state verbs more valuable for their absence in the
early twentieth century, when examples of free indirect thought might be more
in evidence, than for their presence in the nineteenth? She calls the two peaks in reporting phrases
and mental states “rival ‘inward turns’” (166). The article is entitled “Before
the ‘Inward Turn,’” but she says her research question is “do reporting clauses
and mental verbs occur more frequently in some authors, texts, or decades than
elsewhere? If the frequency of these markers is significantly higher in them,
these authors, books, or decades quite possibly engage in more thought representation
and thereby strengthen the ‘inward turn’” (134).
But is the strengthening by constituting the turn, or only by making possible the arrival of the more
developed free indirect thought which itself constitutes the turn? How can free
indirect thought be argued to be more developed than just using lots of
reporting phrases and references to characters’ mental states? And if they are
so very different, does one have anything to do with the other at the level of
the reader’s sense of intimacy with the author, which was so important to Woolf
in the article discussed? These questions are important, because if the marked
phrases themselves are evidence of the turn, the tables will mean one thing,
but if they are precisely evidence against the literary period having arrived
yet, we might as well turn the line graphs upside down and read the lows as
highs and the highs as lows.
My concern with the data analysis is that it is
essentially just counting, even when ratios, as opposed to straight counts, are
being compared. Though the author mentions that comparisons are “statistically
significant” (137, footnote 50 on 147) on two or three occasions, I find no
evidence of statistical tests having been done. Did the numbers beat out
chance? If they did, what was the value of the effect size? It seems to me that time-series analysis would have been most
appropriate, but I imagine that there would be problems with meeting the assumptions
of that line of testing. For example, in a number of “counts,” the period
1900-1929 is treated alongside other slices of time that are only a decade
long. Auto-correlation might have posed a problem as well. Perhaps the statistical
tests were done, but not reported. In either case, these findings cannot be
used to build further results upon until they are substantiated.
What exactly is that “code of manners which writers
and readers accept as a prelude to the more exciting intercourse of friendship”
(21) the understanding of which Woolf takes to be key for understanding the
clinamen that occurred “on or about December 1910” (4)? Can textual analysis of
databases of literary works help us to learn more about that code? It seems to
me that a study like Conroy’s that included many more instances of different
kinds of mental states of characters might
be helpful in this pursuit. Inevitably one would need to count also instances
of free indirect thought, not a possibility using digital techniques alone, it
would seem to me. But the questions are well worth asking and well worth
tackling large databases and sophisticated statistical techniques to get to the
bottom of.
Conroy, Melanie. (2014). Before the “Inward Turn”: Tracing Represented Thought in the French Novel. Poetics Today (35): 117-171.
Woolf, Virginia. (1924). The Hogarth Essays: Mr. Bennett and Mrs. Brown. London: Hogarth Press.
Conroy, Melanie. (2014). Before the “Inward Turn”: Tracing Represented Thought in the French Novel. Poetics Today (35): 117-171.
Woolf, Virginia. (1924). The Hogarth Essays: Mr. Bennett and Mrs. Brown. London: Hogarth Press.
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